Opinion: Is this really Colorado’s plan for clean energy?
Last week I testified at a
Colorado legislative committee hearing regarding HB19-1037, the
“securitization” bill. This arcane but important concept emerged as many states
shifted from supplying electricity through regulated monopolies to competitive
systems, where customers and communities have choices as to where they get
their power. As a result, these monopolies lost their captive markets, so their
uncompetitive power plants built under the old regulated system no longer had
customers. But the utilities had relied on the regulatory structure to provide
a guaranteed revenue stream, so the states had to cover the utilities’ losses
to avoid “regulatory takings,” where utilities are involuntarily deprived of
something they relied upon.
Securitization was a way to
reduce the cost of solving this problem: Bonds were sold that had backing from
a governmental entity. The proceeds paid off the utilities for their remaining
investment in these plants; the bonds were then paid off by the ratepayers.
This governmental backing made the bonds more secure and so significantly
cheaper to issue than the utilities’ own equity or debt, saving the ratepayers
some money.
The concept re-emerged here
in Colorado a few years ago, because the electricity from wind and solar was
becoming cheaper than even just the operating costs of existing coal plants. If
these plants were subject to a functioning market, the utilities that owned
them would not be able to sell their power, and even if they could, they would
have no revenue left to pay off the stock- and bond-holders that had invested
in these plants. (Typically these plants have been financed with both equity
and debt and paid off through regulated rates over many decades, including a
return on equity and interest on the debt for the unpaid-off portion.)
This securitization concept
sounds like the perfect energy plan — consumer choice, competitive power, rapid
conversion toward renewable energy and shutdown of CO2-emitting coal plants,
and stable or lower electric rates. The problem is that HB19-1037 does none of
these.
First, it does not require
coal plants to be shut down as soon as possible. It leaves it up to the utility
to decide if and when to use this approach. So the utility gets to set the
schedule that works out best for it, which may mean decades of waiting.
Second, it does not create
a competitive system where customers get to choose clean energy at the lowest
price. In fact, it reinforces the monopoly utilities’ position by allowing them
to instantly recover their money invested in coal plants (if they ever choose
to shut them down), reinvest it in other power systems they would own (the bill
does not require them to be renewables), and continue to charge monopoly rates.
Third, it does not really
reduce costs. It leaves in place the outmoded system we’re under currently,
where the utility is rewarded with a high (and almost guaranteed) return on
equity calculated as if there were real risk, even though in reality there
isn’t. For example, the $400 million that Xcel invested in refurbishing coal
plants under the misnamed 2010 Clean Air-Clean Jobs Act was protected from such
risk, because the act’s language asserted a “presumption of prudency” for these
investments, thereby eliminating any legal grounds to cut returns.
Fourth, it fails to hold
Xcel even marginally responsible for building Comanche 3, a recently completed
billion-dollar coal plant, when it was crystal clear that climate change was a
serious reality. Under this bill, existing and future ratepayers could be
forced to cover 100 percent of Xcel’s remaining investment when this plant is
throttled back or shut down.
Fifth, given all the above,
this bill is completely unnecessary. A dead coal plant is just a hole in the
ground to fill with ratepayer money. The utility’s risks are gone, because
there are no more decisions that could be found “imprudent.” So the Colorado
Public Utilities Commission could simply pay the utility a low rate of return,
like any other essentially risk-free investment would earn.
The bill also attempts to
undercut any city that chooses to municipalize as allowed under the Colorado
Constitution, because the bill (probably illegally) puts such cities on the
hook for these securitization bonds, even though the bonds might not be issued
for a decade or more. And the bill creates serious equity and Taxpayer Bill of
Rights issues by attempting to add charges to people’s electric bills to
compensate jurisdictions with shut-down coal plants for lost property taxes and
provide re-education for workers. But even with all these problems, the
committee passed the bill.
Steve
Pomerance is a former Boulder City Council member. Email: stevepomerance@yahoo.com.